Broken ladder for women in politics

Nepal’s new cabinet under Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli highlights a severe underrepresentation of women in public office, with only two women making it into the 22-member Council of Ministers. This marks a decline from the previous term, when women held four out of 20 positions, an already low number. Such invisibility of women is worrying in a country where women make up 51.1 percent of the population.

The current composition of the cabinet raises serious questions about Nepal and the newly appointed government’s commitment to gender equality and social inclusion (GESI). It is not just the women who have been sidelined; there are no Dalits in Oli’s cabinet.

The recent appointments suggest that our political leaders are no longer trying to maintain the “illusion of inclusion” or “token representation” as female representation in cabinet has fallen from a low 20 percent to a worrying 9 percent. It reflects a serious lack of power for women in political decision-making. If women still have no visible power in such leadership positions, is there any hope that an invisible or hidden power works in their favor?

A mirage of inclusion

Historically, the exclusion of Nepali women from open spaces of power has been a common practice, with countless female leaders having to fight against patriarchal norms. Women have fought for the right to vote, inherit property, or even enter the so-called male-dominated professions such as politics. The exclusion of female representatives from political spaces further undermines their ability to claim any space. If women are consistently excluded from high-level positions such as cabinets of ministers, it is unlikely that hopeful youth will see meaningful representation.

This situation sends a very discouraging message to young women aspiring to political leadership in a federal and democratic Nepal. The fact that the political ambitions of many women are unachievable in a system that perpetuates patriarchy and misogyny is deeply demoralizing.

A power cube framework explains that women have access to power in certain spaces, forms, and levels, while others remain inaccessible. In terms of levels of power, women have, since time immemorial, primarily exerted influence at the household level. However, through activism and women’s rights movements at local, national, and international levels (creating a pyramid of power), dents have been made to rightfully place a few women in decision-making positions.

In the last elections, female representatives at the local level (elected and nominated) comprised approximately 14,465 out of 35,097. In comparison, at the national level (National Assembly and House of Representatives), there were only 115 women out of 334 elected representatives. This disparity underscores how structures of hidden inequality perpetuate gendered power dynamics that are manifestly unequal. In terms of the forms of power and spaces claimed by women, they highlight the structural, discursive and symbolic barriers that women face.

Structurally, women have historically held fewer formal positions of power, and the current cabinet composition only reinforces this inequality. Discursively, women’s issues are often sidelined or treated superficially in political discourse, lacking the depth and seriousness they deserve. Symbolically, fewer women in power sends a damaging message about the perceived capabilities and roles of women in leadership, further entrenching gender biases and imposter syndrome.

The barriers within

On a personal level, the individual experiences and challenges faced by women political leaders in positions of power are crucial. They have to navigate a predominantly male environment, face prejudices and obstacles in their work, besides maneuvering through petty politics that are often thrown at them by subordinates with conscious/subconscious patriarchal mindsets. Institutionally, political parties and other actors either promote or hinder women’s decision-making.

The lack of proactive measures to ensure women’s active representation and participation points to a failure at the institutional level to support gender equality and inclusion. Societal perceptions and cultural attitudes towards women in leadership positions remain a significant barrier, with deep-rooted patriarchal norms and values ​​continuing to undermine women’s political ambitions and achievements.

Nepal’s decline is part of a global and regional trend of declining women’s political representation and rising right-wing sentiment. Only 13 percent of countries have effectively implemented gender quotas, resulting in disparities in women’s political representation. Globally, women make up only 23.3 percent of ministers. In South Asia, India’s progress at the local level has not translated nationally, with only 74 women in the 2024 Lok Sabha.

Our situation reflects these global trends, with political, social and cultural factors undermining equality. Right-wing populist governments often exacerbate this problem by prioritising traditional gender roles and implementing policies that undermine gender equality. But this narrative sets the world back to the time before First Wave Feminism and thus second-class citizenship.

Compared to the previous term, the 45 percent reduction in women’s representation in the cabinet is a significant step backwards and should not be ignored. In Nepal, the electoral system requires women to hold 33 percent of seats in federal and provincial parliaments and 40 percent in local governments. Despite these measures, women remain significantly underrepresented in executive positions. This raises pertinent questions about the accountability of our leaders, as they seem to no longer care about the optics of representation, at the very least. Concerns about whether party-heavy agendas and personal gains have led to the neglect of issues relating to women and social minorities need to be addressed.

Reclaiming political spaces

Nepal seems to be struggling to move beyond second-wave feminism, which focuses on legal inequalities, to third-wave feminism and beyond, which addresses broader issues of inclusivity and intersectionality. It comes as no surprise that both women in the new cabinet are from upper-caste Brahmin-Chettri communities, raising further questions about the representation of women from marginalized communities who are severely underrepresented in top ministerial positions. Who will remind patriarchally minded leaders of the history of hard work and contributions of women leaders to public life, which the former seem so easily to erase or forget?

The current state of the government is not just a disappointment; it is a disgrace. It is a sign of a possible reversal of efforts to create a more inclusive and equitable Nepali society. We must ask ourselves whether our leaders are actively perpetuating the false narrative that ‘women are not interested in politics’ or ‘not capable of navigating the complexities of the domain’ by erasing their chances of claiming leadership roles in the first place. And whether this tactic is aimed at further silencing women leaders.

This underrepresentation has a major impact on the potential for generational progress and the overall ecosystem of progressive development. It also limits the diversity of perspectives in decision-making processes, which is crucial for formulating comprehensive and inclusive policies. Research by UN Women indicates that gender-diverse leadership teams tend to foster more innovative and effective governance strategies, contributing to fairer and more sustainable societal outcomes. The systematic exclusion of women from high-level political roles not only undermines the democratic principle of equal representation, but also suppresses the social and economic progress that comes from inclusive leadership.

It is time for political actors to recognise the importance of representative leadership and take concrete steps to ensure that women, especially those from marginalised communities, have a seat at the table and real decision-making powers. In addition to ‘breaking the glass ceiling’, the phenomenon of climbing the ‘broken ladder’ needs to be redressed. Only then can Nepal hope to move forward and embody the principles of gender equality and social inclusion that are fundamental to a democratic and just society. The need for a more inclusive and representative political landscape is not just about optics, but rather about fairness and equality for a better future of our country.